How about creating suburban communities that only contain data centers?

With some suburbanites concerned about data centers proposed for their communities, I have a possible solution: why not create new suburban communities that only contain data centers?

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Imagine a suburban municipality full of data centers. It could help serve the needs of the surrounding region. It could draw on its own water and electricity supply (or make its own deals for these resources). It would not have to worry about being located near residences or other land uses where residents feel threatened.

This is not the first time I have thought of this idea. It could work for waste transfer sites. Landfills. Warehouses. Industry. Marijuana dispensaries. Religious congregations (see examples of opposition from my own research here and here)? This could work for the multiple land uses that suburban residents often object to or communities see as threats to their established way of life.

Creating such communities could be difficult. Given that many metropolitan areas are full of development, there might be three primary options to find land for such an endeavor:

  1. Locate the new municipality on the fringes of the region. This has the advantages of not changing densely developed land and it is already located further away from residences.
  2. Convert an existing suburb into such a place. While the image of American suburbs is often that of wealthy and exclusive communities, industrial suburbs have also been around for a long time. There are already suburbs with fewer residents that might be willing to take on more data centers.
  3. Take a bit of land from several existing communities and create this new municipality. This could be hard to do as suburbs are likely to resist losing land. But if the tradeoff is giving up land so that the perceived threat of a data center is not their responsibility, perhaps a conversation can start.

Any of these are unlikely. Not impossible. But suburban leaders and residents have resisted certain land uses for decades. The hope seems to be in each community that if they can successfully keep the land use out, that is success and good luck to other communities in addressing the issue.

Repairing aging American housing

Many older American homes need repairs but making those repairs is a challenge:

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Across the nation, and especially here in Philadelphia, homeowners are increasingly struggling to maintain and repair aging homes that are withering, crumbling, and forcing homeowners to exist in near-unlivable conditions.

According to the National Association of Home Builders, the average age of the U.S. home is 40 years old, up from 31 years old 15 years ago. Homes tend to be the oldest in the Northeast, Mid-Atlantic states and along the Appalachian Mountains. Repair costs are rising, and homeowners face $100 billion in needed maintenance, according to the Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia.

Analysts say the problems associated with deferred maintenance and dilapidated properties span both rural and urban properties, resulting in structure collapses of occupied properties in Pittsburgh; Reading, Pennsylvania; Syracuse, New York; and elsewhere

Schapira said Philadelphia has at least 60,000 houses that are “in a pretty difficult situation” and need immediate repairs. Nationwide, about 6.7 million households are living in “inadequate” properties, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.

Both cities and suburbs have a lot of houses that are more than 50 years old: the growing urban populations of the late 1800s and early 1900s in Northeast and Midwest cities mean there are a number of aging units there and suburban sprawl added many homes to the edges of big cities and growing suburbs. Maintaining and repairing homes requires maintenance, knowledge, and resources.

This story highlights the issue when these aging homes are in poorer neighborhoods and communities. How are residents who are struggling to make ends meet supposed to do the substantial work necessary to keep their homes in decent condition, let alone have any features that the HGTV watching crowd might expect as normal these days?

For those with resources, this might be less of an issue. Larger older homes can be fixed up with some preserved in historic districts. Others are torn down and replaced with larger, modern homes. Those with means can avoid having to purchase homes with significant repair issues and if they do take them on, they made that choice and can address the issues.

The bigger question is this: what do Americans want to do with aging housing? Metropolitan regions need housing. Repairs can be costly. What are funding options? Can this be addressed by boosting incomes and economic opportunities? Are there ways to pay people to repair these homes and keep needed housing units in the community? What happens when housing does crumble and the properties are not desirable for developers or investors?

The rise in LLC property owners in Chicago

A new analysis shows that LLCs now own more properties in Chicago compared to two decades ago:

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In the last two decades, LLCs have become an increasingly common way to own real estate in Chicago, according to a first-of-its-kind analysis of 26 million property records by WBEZ, Injustice Watch and the Mansueto Institute for Urban Innovation at the University of Chicago.

The share of multifamily rentals owned by LLCs increased from 3% in 2006 to 16% in 2022, the analysis shows. Their share of ownership among larger apartment buildings with seven or more units, like the one where Carter resides, increased from 9% in 2006 to 34% in 2022.

Why the increase?

But LLCs gained traction with real estate investors in the 1990s when they realized LLCs had very minimal disclosure requirements, Hamill said. In Illinois, for example, only the manager and agent of an LLC — neither of whom are necessarily owners — are required to be publicly disclosed…

“There’s two big advantages with LLCs. One is the tax advantage that you’re not taxed as a corporation. The other big one is the ability to isolate liability and isolate financial assets,” Immergluck said…

But experts say the issue with LLCs isn’t their protection against legal liability. They say the problem with LLCs is the lack of transparency.

This could be told as a story of how a change in bureaucratic structures – the ways a corporation could incorporate – led to unintended outcomes. A new option from the 1970s eventually proved useful for property owners. But that could prove problematic for renters who cannot easily find people who can address important property issues.

This is a similar but different concern that those expressed in recent years about institutional investors buying up housing. What is similar is that some hard to find or hidden or presumed-to-be self-motivated actor is buying up housing and not acting in the best interests of residents or the broader good. What is different is that the concerns in the article above are primarily about the lack of having a person to contact and hold responsible, not about the numbers of units that are less affordable or less accessible because an LLC or corporation is acting rather than an individual owner. So this may not be a question of whether corporations can buy residential properties; it is about whether residents can know who these corporations are and whether they can be counted on to fulfill the landlord’s duties.

It would be interesting to hear from landlords what they would think of changes that would reveal their ownership. Would landlords who want to do the right thing object to this? Would some still want to not have their ownership public but would respond to residents well through property managers?

Costco, American consumption, and relationships with adversarial nations

The Trump administration may limit the ability of Iranian officials to visit Costco and Sam’s Club when they visit the United Nations in New York City:

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The movements of Iranian diplomats are severely limited in New York, but one proposal being floated would bar them from shopping at big, members-only wholesale stores like Costco and Sam’s Club without first receiving the express permission of the State Department.

Such stores have been a favorite of Iranian diplomats posted to and visiting New York because they are able to buy large quantities of products not available in their economically isolated country for relatively cheap prices and send them home.

It was not immediately clear if or when the proposed shopping ban for Iran would take effect, but the memo said the State Department also was looking at drafting rules that would allow it to impose terms and conditions on memberships in wholesale clubs by all foreign diplomats in the U.S.

Americans may be used to Costco and big box stores but they are not necessarily available all over the world.

When I saw this story, I was reminded of the so-called “Kitchen Debate” between Nixon and Khrushchev in 1959. At an exhibition in Moscow, the United States constructed a model of an American home with the idea of showing off all that an average American household had. Khrushschev did not appear impressed but the display illustrates one of the ways the United States expanded its power and reach in the second half of the twentieth century: through consumerism and a particular lifestyle.

Put another way, pursue policies like the United States and the average home could have a kitchen like that one displayed in 1959 or the average resident could shop at a Costco in 2025. Resist the American way of life or be belligerent toward the United States and those things will not be available.

Just out of curiosity, I searched Google Maps for the Costco locations nearest to the UN Headquarters in Manhattan. There are at least 3 locations within 11 miles. This means when the diplomats and the leaders of the world come together at the UN, getting to Costco might not be too difficult.

Condos, investment properties, and limited demand in Canada

Can condos help people find reasonably-priced housing and achieve homeownership? Maybe but viewing them more as investment properties for years means there may now be less demand for condos in Canada:

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It didn’t take long to figure out why there were so many empty units on the market: it turns out nobody wants to rent a condo, and nobody wants to buy one either. Condo rents have dropped over the past two years, and according to a recent report from the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, or CMHC, condo sales have fallen by 75 percent in the Greater Toronto Area and 37 percent in the Vancouver area since 2022. The market has become so dire that buyers of pre-construction condos are having difficulty closing their purchases. Banks lend money depending on the present value of the property, and some condos are worth less now than they were when the buyers made their first deposit. As a result, developers have been cancelling construction projects. Some experts say we should have seen this coming…

The simple answer is that many condos built between the late 2010s and early 2020s were constructed not for living but for investment. Since 2000, there has been a steady increase in the proportion of condos used as investment properties. To my surprise, most of the investors were not faceless corporations or foreign investors. Research done by Statistics Canada shows that the typical condo owner is a middle-aged, middle-class Canadian couple. The reigning logic for the middle class was that buying a condo, renting it out to pay for the mortgage, and eventually selling the unit was a solid way to make money. This was especially true in the late 2010s, a period of low interest rates and weak rent control policies. Steady demand for housing, partially caused by increasing immigration, made real estate seem like a sure bet.

Developers knew that most pre-construction buyers were investors rather than people looking to live in the apartments themselves. As a result, they focused on quantity over quality. Vishakh Alex, an architectural designer working in Toronto, said that the directive from developers in the late 2010s was to squeeze in as many units as possible. It is telling that between 1971 and 1990, the median condo in the city was approximately 1,000 square feet, but between 2016 and 2020, the number dropped to roughly 650 square feet…

Yet, as city populations continue to grow, there’s nowhere to build but up. It hardly bears repeating that there is a housing crisis in Canada. Young middle-class people looking to buy their first homes can rarely afford the kinds of houses that they might have grown up in—a cute triplex on a tree-lined street in Trinity-Bellwoods, Toronto, for example, or a townhouse in Kitsilano, Vancouver, with a view of the ocean. And so it is to the condos we must go.

But it is also true that condo living does not have to be, and perhaps should not be, defined by the biggest developers looking to squeeze every drop of profit from mom-and-pop investors and homebuyers.

This shift toward investor properties sounds similar to what has happened in the United States in recent decades with homeowners increasingly viewing their properties as investments and expecting certain returns.

One difference here is that more of these condos might have been second homes. In Privileging Place: How Second Homeowners Transform Communities and Themselves, sociologist Meaghan Stiman explains how only a second home influenced how property owners viewed places and themselves with consequences for communities where these second owners were sometimes present.

If people in cities in Canada and the United States have concerns about investors buying too many properties, whether investors from other countries or institutional investors, what do they make of middle- to upper-class residents buying condos for investments? As the author notes above, these cities clearly need housing. American cities and metropolitan regions need housing. Should certain kinds of investors have limits or should developers be limited in how many investment properties they can construct?

One upside could be that the glut of investment condos does provide some attainable housing. The prices might not fall too far given their initial cost but what if investment condos and homes start becoming options for residents for whom they were not originally intended?

Avoiding the weather with walking that weaves in and out of buildings

In the last two decades, I have had occasions to give walking tours of places. This can require weaving in and our of buildings in order to get out of inclement weather. Whether trying to get out the rain or snow or cold weather, a walk that combines moving outside and inside can be very helpful.

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The problem is this: most places are not set up for this. The typical American building is oriented toward the street. You go into the building from a sidewalk or a parking lot and then you exit the same way. It can be difficult to find a pathway across buildings when there is not an easy pathway between them nor multiple entrances and exits to use.

College campuses offer a few more possibilities. These buildings are sometimes oriented toward a street but they are sometimes oriented toward a quad or a path. They often have multiple entry points. And visitors to a campus might be interested to see the interiors of certain buildings; what do classrooms look like? What is in social spaces for students? Where are different important offices and services located?

I found my own paths through campuses and the suburb in which I live. There are ways to take advantage of buildings, awnings, overhangs, and public spaces. It does not always work – I was recently caught in a torrential downpour where my umbrella did little good – but there are options if one is looking.

(Of course, there are cities and places that do offer interior walkways. Take downtown Minneapolis with a series of above ground walkways between buildings or the Pedway in Chicago. In places with consistently unpleasant weather, there need to be consistent options. Shopping malls are all about this as well; lots of walking possibilities once you drive to the mall.)

When suburbs resist affordable housing proposals, what positive outcomes are possible?

The Chicago Tribune describes concerns leaders and residents of two North Shore suburbs have regarding affordable housing proposals:

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Case in point: Evanston’s Land Use Commission narrowly voted last Wednesday to recommend denial of a zoning application to build a 31-story, 430-unit apartment building in downtown Evanston. The tower would be among the tallest in all of Chicago’s suburbs. All the apartments would be studios, 1-bedrooms and 2-bedrooms, with 86 of the units deemed “affordable.”

The commission isn’t the last word on the project; the City Council will have that final say. But the 4-3 vote against the project reflected divisions within the community about growth. Speaking at the commission meeting, Chris Dillion, president of Chicago development firm Campbell Coyle (which isn’t developing the 605 Davis project that was the subject of the proceeding), clearly was frustrated: “Downtown Evanston cannot be preserved for only those who already are here. We need to make room for everyone,” he said, according to the Evanston RoundTable.

A majority of commissioners nonetheless thought the project was too big…

In Highland Park, another lakefront community about 14 miles north of Evanston, a fierce debate is underway about the redevelopment of a 28-acre vacant tract once the site of a Solo Cup factory. Prominent Chicago developer The Habitat Co. has proposed building 232 townhomes.

A recent meeting of the village’s Plan Commission on the project featured pointed criticisms, jeering and disruptions from residents complaining about the usual things when substantial residential developments are proposed — traffic and the impact on schools. But one resident complained that because some of the units were envisioned as rentals, the new residents would be “transient” and not invested in the future of Highland Park, according to a Tribune report.

The commission didn’t vote on whether to recommend approval, but a majority of commissioners expressed misgivings. Habitat partner Kathie Jahnke Dale said that any major reduction in the density, which already had been scaled back from a prior proposal, would lead the developer to walk away, likely leaving the site “vacant for another 15 years.”

This resistance is not unusual. For decades, suburbanites in the Chicago and across the United States have often resisted proposed developments that would bring denser and/or affordable units to their communities. Leaders and residents bring up concerns about noise, traffic, density out of line with the surrounding area, threats to property values and local quality of life, and concerns about the residents who would live in new residences.

Given this consistent opposition, what positive outcomes are possible regarding suburban proposals for affordable housing? Some thoughts on the possible options:

  1. Approval of the proposal in its initial form. This is rare. But there must be examples that could serve as models that others could learn from. What factors in suburbs lead to approving needed affordable housing from the start?
  2. A significantly smaller proposal. This happens quite a bit with proposals for suburban development: the initial pitch from the developer is considered and in the discussion with the community, the number of units is reduced. Take the Evanston example above slated for 31 stories and 430 units. Given the concerns expressed, perhaps the community would be okay with 15 stories and 200 or so units. Or with townhouses as in the second example, the density is reduced a bit with more open space provided. These changes can lessen the affordable housing contribution made but at least some affordable housing units are added.
  3. I do not know if proposals that are rejected all together can be positive. Perhaps it encourages an ongoing conversation in the community? Perhaps turning down a reasonable proposal galvanizes local efforts to support affordable housing?

For new affordable housing to be constructed in suburbs, my sense is that significant support needs to come from local leaders and residents who can articulate how this will benefit the community. Since many suburbanites will see such proposals as a threat, what about them adds to the community?

The populations of the “safest and wealthiest suburbs” in the US

A new list of high income and low crime suburbs has this top ten:

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  1. Western Springs, IL
  2. Lexington, MA
  3. Winchester, MA
  4. Whitefish Bay, WI
  5. Huntington Woods, MI
  6. Ottawa Hills, OH
  7. Winnetka, IL
  8. Kenilworth, IL
  9. University Park, MD
  10. Upper Arlington, OH

Here is how GOBankingRates.com developed the list:

GOBankingRates analyzed the top 1,000 cities by household mean income across the United States to find the safest and richest cities using data from the US Census American Community Survey, Bureau of Labor Statistics Consumer Expenditure Survey, Zillow Home Value Index, Federal Reserve Economic Data, AreaVibes, and the FBI. The property crime rate per 1,000 residents, violent crime rate per 1,000 residents, livability score, household mean income, and the average total cost of living were scored for each location and sorted to show the safest and richest cities. All data was collected on and is up to date as of August 4th, 2025.

Based on a recent post about the wealthy and large suburbs of the United States, including Naperville, Illinois, I was curious about the population size of the top ten communities. Here is their population according to Quick Facts:

  1. 13,600
  2. 34,400
  3. 22,900
  4. 13,700
  5. 6,300
  6. 4,500
  7. 12,100
  8. 2,400
  9. 2,400
  10. 35,300

Not all of these are small towns; some might even be considered small cities. All have household mean incomes of over $200,000.

Going further through the top 50 suburbs, few are really large. Naperville comes in at #49, the largest suburb by population on the list by far.

To make this list, a suburb does not have be small and exclusive. It can be slightly larger and exclusive. I wonder if this is due to using the household mean income rather than the median. The mean is more likely to be pulled up by a small number of really high earners while the median gets at the midpoint of the distribution.

The first presidential candidate from the suburbs

When Michael Dukakis ran for president in 1988, he did so as governor of Massachusetts and as a suburbanite:

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Dukakis’s suburban origins and issue-oriented style actually served as a major asset with the other constituency that many strategists recognized as key to his and the Democratic Party’s success in the general election. Political consultant and Dukakis adviser Hank Morris saw Dukakis’s upbringing and ethos as important in galvanizing postindustrial suburban professionals in battleground states such as California, Illinois, and New York. Suburban professionals responded favorably to Dukakis’s record about quality-of-life issues like traffic and air pollution, unregulated commercial growth and sprawl, declining schools, and rising drug and crime problems. Morris urged the campaign to further underscore that “he is the first presidential nominee to grow up in the suburbs and to stay there, commuting to work and mowing the lawn and knowing the concerns of suburbanites.” Taking the advice to heart, Dukakis made frequent references to his 1963 Sears snowblower as an emblem of his suburban sensibility and frugality. (275)

This passage comes toward the end of historian Lily Geismer’s book Don’t Blame Us: Suburban Liberals and the Transformation of the Democratic Party. It serves as a culmination of several decades of history where the actions of suburbanites in Boston suburbs along Route 128 presaged larger changes in the United States.

Of course, Dukakis lost the election. But Geismer argues that he represented a shift in the Democratic party toward the educated knowledge workers of suburbia. Whereas suburbs had been viewed as conservative and Republican in the immediate postwar era, by the 1980s there were pockets of suburban liberals and today there are numerous Democratic strongholds in suburban areas outside large cities.

At the same time, Geismer notes that these suburban liberals had particular notions about liberal causes. They tended to promote individual freedom, not addressing structural issues. When asked to transform their own suburban communities for the greater good of the Boston area, these suburban liberals resisted. It is one thing to advocate for liberal causes that might help you; it is another to promote affordable housing in your community.

I would venture that we see a number of these patterns still playing out today. What happened along Route 128 has happened to varying degree across American suburbs with pockets of high-tech, knowledge industry workers clustering in suburban parts of metropolitan areas. The American suburbs are more diverse than they were in the 1980s. Many of wealthy suburbs with white-collar jobs or workers are not fully open to change or to addressing metropolitan issues or regularly resist what they see as threats to the quality of life the enjoy. The choices suburbanites like to have still gives those with resources options to find communities that they like and then push back against change.

And when will the United States have its first suburban president, someone born in the suburbs and who identifies with the suburbs?

The lingering reminders of the railroads that once marked Chicago’s lakefront

In its early history, Chicago’s shoreline with Lake Michigan was marked by railroad lines and activities. Trains pulled right up to the Chicago River, moving goods to the center of the city and its thriving port. You can see a late nineteenth century images of the lines of the Illinois Central right along the water here and here.

Today, it is harder to see evidence of the bustling railroad activity. The city still has sizable railyards and a large amount of railroad traffic. But it is now largely outside of the Loop and more railroad activity has been pushed to the edges of the metropolitan region.

I recently found a spot where an observer can still get a hint of the important railroad activity that marked the lakefront:

This passenger line comes into the central part of the city from the south and its station is underground. This angle gives a broader view of the tracks and the infrastructure needed to move trains and people.

The major cities of the United States, including Chicago, are still dependent on railroad lines. The average resident of a region may only travel via car and visitors from further away may primarily arrive via airplane but the railroad lines continue to deliver large amounts of goods and resources. Their presence may be less visible but keeping the trains running on time in and around cities still matters.