Communities preparing for possible property tax reductions in Florida

With the possibility that Florida residents will soon vote to significantly lower property taxes, communities in the states are trying to get ready:

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The proposal is spurring urgent responses from local governments faced with the prospect of plummeting tax revenue. Cities and counties are scrambling to prepare for a potential overhaul of how they pay for all sorts of services, from policing to pothole repairs.

Local officials across the state say the issue is dominating discussion in commission meetings and budget workshops. Among the measures they have taken so far: freezing hiring and capital projects, planning possible service cuts and floating proposals to increase other fees and taxes to offset the shortfall…

In the 2027-28 fiscal year, the Florida changes would reduce property-tax revenue in the state overall by nearly $5 billion, according to the Office of Economic and Demographic Research, a research arm of the legislature. That would increase to $8.8 billion in 2028-29 and $10.8 billion in 2030-31.

The amounts would vary widely for individual counties, with a large one like Miami-Dade projected to lose $304 million in the first year and a small one like Okeechobee expected to lose $3.7 million, according to an analysis by the Florida Association of Counties. Suburban counties with high proportions of homestead properties would face the sharpest exposure, and economically distressed small counties would be the least equipped to respond, the study said.

Americans generally do not like the idea of high property taxes. They like the idea of homeownership but do not always like the idea they should pay more taxes on something they own.

At the same time, this tax helps fund many of the local amenities and services Americans benefit from and participate in. When looking at amenities about communities when making choices about where to live or when discussing local features and amenities they like, property taxes likely contribute. This includes schools, parks, and police and fire departments.

The tradeoffs I wonder if Americans are willing to make: either or both (1) lower levels of local amenities and services and (2) less local control over local services and amenities for lower property taxes. Immediate financial benefits for property owners but a loss of quality of life? How this plays out in Florida might help

Prediction of 25 years until median American house worth $1 million

A recent projection looked at how much American homes will be worth in a few decades:

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The median U.S. home price will likely hit $1 million around the year 2050, when the millennial generation is hitting the traditional age of retirement, a top housing economist has predicted.

“Essentially, in about 25 years the national median home price will be a million dollars,” Lawrence Yun, chief economist at the National Association of Realtors®, said at a conference in Washington, DC, on Tuesday. “It may be hard to envision that, but back in 1990, the national median price was $90,000.”…

Last month, the national median sales price for existing homes was nearly $430,000. Yun used multiple scenarios to project home prices out into the future, and says each scenario pointed to roughly the same timeline to hit $1 million: about 25 years.

This makes sense over time as inflation continues. Compared to the past, houses and many other goods are more expensive.

But three factors might make this hard to swallow for a number of people:

  1. How much will incomes and wages keep up with the price increase of houses? Will housing be further out of reach by 2050? A million dollar price for a home will be easier for people to understand if pay keeps up with those values.
  2. There will be people in housing who remember the lower prices of the past and a good number who will benefit from them. Those who owned homes in 2026 will recall the median at $430k and wonder – and enjoy, if selling – the new median of $1 million. Just as those who lived in the early Levittowns saw their homes increase in value over the decades, so will those who bought homes in the early 2000s.
  3. Some places will have much higher median home values in 2050 compared to others. While this is true today, that gap may grow and highlight differences between metropolitan regions.

I wonder if the biggest consequence of this continued rise in home values will be that houses in the United States will be regarded first and foremost as investments. If the median value can double in 25 years just by owning it, this can shape who owns homes and how they treat them.

The rising costs of homeownership

Americans like the idea of owning single-family homes. Would they give that up if homeownership is too expensive?

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A home buyer in 2019 could expect to spend about $20,000 a year on basic homeownership expenses: mortgage payments, property taxes, insurance, maintenance and repairs, according to data from Intercontinental Exchange and home-services marketplace Angi.

By 2025, that annual bill had soared above $28,500, outpacing inflation and keeping many would-be buyers out of the market . Homeowners who wish they could sell and move elsewhere are also staying put, turned off by the cost of purchasing today…

Home-insurance and property-tax costs have also climbed in many parts of the country, affecting home buyers and longtime owners alike.

Insurance costs have risen due to persistent natural disasters and increases in material and labor costs for home repairs. And rising home values have pushed up property-tax assessments, sparking pushback from voters in some states…

One of the appeals of the postwar American Dream was that owning a house could be as cheap or even cheaper – a claim in Levittown, for example – than renting. If homeownership was financially doable, Americans jumped at the opportunity.

The article cited above suggests a different story: homeownership has gotten more expensive. The costs have gone up more than inflation and it does not look like they will go down soon. (Interestingly, there is no mention of comparisons to rent costs.)

Given the decades-long interest in homeownership, how close to homeownership and renter costs have to be for people to choose buying a home? If Americans increasingly think of homeownership in economic and investment terms, what is the tipping point in the numbers?

If homeownership costs continue to go up more than inflation, it will be interesting to see what adjustments are made to help homeownership be within reach for more people. Different financial instruments? Higher wages? More housing programs?

Some programs offering housing assistance to residents with higher incomes

As housing prices have gone up in recent years in much of the United States, some assistance programs now offer monetary help to people with higher incomes:

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Down Payment Resource, a company that compiles information on more than 2,700 home-buying programs, shared data with The Washington Post that showed more than 115 programs have raised their income threshold requirements since 2023. In most of those cases, the programs now offer aid to would-be home buyers whose income is above their local median, sometimes well above.

Memphis, for instance, now offers down-payment assistance to households with twice the local median income that purchase in designated areas of the city. San Francisco offers loans of up to half a million dollars for first-time home buyers; a single person with income up to $218,200 can apply…

Adam Grubbs, who runs a municipal down-payment-assistance program in Aurora, Illinois, said local leaders there decided to use municipal funds (about $300,000) to give middle-income households support similar to a federally subsidized program for low-income buyers.

“It’s those police officers, your fire department staff, nurses, teachers: those people that, they do have good jobs, but with this housing market it’s still unaffordable for them. Even they need help trying to buy their first house,” Grubbs said.

These changes get at some key questions underlying how Americans view housing and housing policy:

  1. Who needs help regarding housing?
  2. Who deserves help regarding housing?

More broadly, is housing a human right, a privilege, available to those with the right resources, for those who work hard as individuals, or something else?

These changes in programs also remind me of a quote from a former Bank of England official: “Most countries have socialized health care and a free market for mortgages. You in the United States do exactly the opposite.” Providing homebuying assistance helps people achieve homeownership, a goal viewed as desirable in the United States.

Conversations in local communities can often help answer these questions. Local residents and leaders often have a sense of who they would like to see live in their community. Take the quote above involving Aurora as an example; municipal housing funds are designated for civil servants, potential residents that serve and who are seen as contributing to the community.

High housing prices and inheriting a house in California

What if housing prices were so high in some American markets that a regular way people acquire homes is through inheritance? Take the case of California:

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About 18% of all property transfers in the state last year, representing nearly 60,000 homes, were made through inheritance, according to a recent analysis by real-estate data firm Cotality.

That share is a record for California in data going back to 1995, up from 12% in 2019. It is also roughly double the national share of 8.8% last year…

The state’s high rate of inherited homes reflects California’s unique circumstances: years of skyrocketing home prices, and tax policies that encourage owners to avoid selling their houses before they die.

The people who inherit these houses enjoy tremendous benefits. They can move into homes that they otherwise might not be able to buy at current prices, or they can sell them and keep the proceeds without having to pay capital gains taxes.

But the high rate of homes passed on after death is distorting the state’s housing market, favoring longtime homeowners and their families over all other home buyers.

The postwar idea of suburban homeownership included social mobility, the idea that someone could work hard and purchase their own house and plot of land. Follow the American pathway to success and it would end in homeownership.

But what if this does not always work out? Or if conditions in some places mean that the typical path does not work for a good portion of people? This postwar expectation was not necessarily available to everyone even then; communities and programs were not open to people of all races and nationalities.

The California case is one where observers can see that this social contract of homeownership is or is not working. Can a regular worker or household find a home in California? Wasn’t a lot of California’s growth due to this postwar social contract? In the American social and economic system, is inheritance a preferred or a good way to obtain a home?

It also remains to be seen whether the trend in California becomes the norm in other American settings or whether it is an isolated case with a unique housing market.

Two significant changes in the ways Americans perceive mortgages as illustrated in one paragraph

A recent piece about mortgages in the United States contained this paragraph:

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The mortgage, the cornerstone of wealth building for generations of Americans, is vanishing. Data from the Mortgage Bankers Association show that Americans are applying for fewer mortgages than they have at any point in the past quarter century, including during the worst of the Great Recession, when the jobless rate was more than twice as high. Since the end of 1999, 96 of the 100 lowest readings of the MBA’s weekly index of new mortgage-loan applications have occurred in the past three years.

These sentences highlight two major changes regarding how Americans view mortgages in the last 80 years (post World War II era):

  1. The expectation that mortgages are available for everyone. This came about in the postwar era due to changes in mortgage terms as well as interest in homeownership. Regarding terms, mortgages became 30 year obligations, lowering the monthly cost for consumers. Regarding homeownership, pent-up housing needs (Great Depression plus World War II) plus an existing American ideology privileging property ownership led to mortgages used for single-family homes. And with the relative economic prosperity of the postwar era, more Americans than ever could access mortgages. This became the norm: follow the societal paths for success and secure a mortgage as a 20-something or 30-something.
  2. The expectation that mortgages serve as wealth building instruments. This has increased in recent decades as property values have risen dramatically in many parts of the United States. Prior to this, homeownership or property ownership was its own end. The owner could do what they wanted with the property. They could participate in local community life as a property owner. They could provide for their household. Now people expect to profit in the long-term off their mortgage: they will pay off interest and some equity and then sell it for more money down the road as they pursue their goals.

The hint in the article above is that pursuing and having mortgages has decreased and might decrease in the future. Does this then change perceptions regarding mortgages? Americans have not always viewed mortgages in the same way in the past and may not do so in the future.

The role of housing in the unsettled lives of American 30 to 45 year olds

Where does owning a home fit in the changing lives of adults after emerging adulthood and in “established adulthood”? Here are some hints:

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When Mehta appeared on camera bouncing her newborn in her lap, that professor started laughing sympathetically. She’d just read Mehta’s 2020 paper on the life phase from age 30 to 45, which described it as a hurricane of major changes and responsibilities. Career advances, marriage, parenthood, homeownership, care for aging parents—for many people these days, the paper had argued, all of those milestones fall in a short and furious chunk of time. And here Mehta was, embodying that point.

The connection between Mehta’s circumstances and her academic focus wasn’t a coincidence. Mehta was in her 30s when she started noticing that no one seemed to be studying her own age group. Her colleague Jeffrey Jensen Arnett, the author of Emerging Adulthood: The Winding Road From the Late Teens Through the Twenties, had become an expert in ages 18 to 29. Psychologists of middle age, meanwhile, were usually observing those in their 50s and early 60s. She’d reached a part of life that was anything but quiet, yet when she looked to her field for answers, she heard relative silence.

Now, at 45, she has interviewed many, many people in this stage, which she named “established adulthood.” She believes that life for the youngish—especially for women—is getting only more hectic. The average man is parenting (a little) more than he used to, and the average woman is working outside the home (a lot) more than she used to. And compared with eras past, people today tend to be older when they begin hitting the classic landmarks of adulthood. A typical young person might once have, say, met a partner in their teens, married and started a family at 20-something, then taken on more career responsibility or begun caring for an ailing parent while in their 30s. Now all of these formative experiences are getting compressed. Many people do cherish this time, Mehta told me. But the fact remains that they’re in the “rush hour of life”—and they may be dealing with a milestone pileup…

Recently, this period of uncertainty has been getting longer: Many young people are saddled with debt, searching for work in a brutal job market, unable to afford buying a house. Building a career, a home, or lasting relationships—all things that can help shape a person’s sense of self—have become more difficult. And as emerging adulthood expands, it eats into the next stage of life.

From what I have seen of different surveys and published work, a majority of adults still want to pursue homeownership. Buying a residence is still an important part of adulthood and achieving the American Dream.

But this summary above and other work also suggests that this may be delayed and/or more difficult than in the past. The expectation in the postwar decades that young adults could buy a home in their 20s and perhaps on one family salary is hard to live up to today. A variety of social factors mean that homeownership is now delayed. This means more years of other living arrangements plus potential changes to how people feel about homeownership.

Given this increased difficulty, it would not surprise me if in the next decade or two fewer adults ages 18-45 say they want a home. When faced with obstacles, some people will turn to other priorities or adapt to the possibilities they do have. And it would get interesting if less than a majority of adults say they to own their residence; how does this change individuals, communities, the housing industry, and more?

Many don’t seem to like a 50 year mortgage; some lenders already offer a 40 year mortgage

As people reacted – mostly negatively, from what I saw – to the possibilities of 50 year mortgages in the United States, one article noted that 40 year mortgages has a history and can be obtained now:

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I remember a time when a 40-year mortgage — and a 50-year adjustable rate mortgage — built some buzz back around 2006 and 2007 for people who were struggling to buy a home. It didn’t work out well if you had to sell when home prices collapsed.

The 40-year mortgage has a history going back to the early 1980s, according to an earlier report in the Detroit Free Press, part of the USA TODAY Network, when 18% fixed-interest rates were squeezing consumers out of buying homes. It never proved to be the most popular product…

If you shop around, some lenders are offering 40-year mortgages now.

Rocket Mortgage notes online that the Detroit-based giant offers a 40-year mortgage with the first 10 years being interest-only payments. These mortgages can be available for loan amounts between $125,000 to $2 million.

I wonder how many people apply for and receive 40 year mortgages.

Reading the reactions to the idea of a 50 year mortgage, I was struck by how much of the conversation was dominated by financial details. How much equity would a homeowner have after 20 years? When would the interest parts of the payment taper off compared to paying down principal? How would interest rates be different for a 50 year loan? I should not be surprised given how much homeownership is now seen in the United States as a financial investment. It is a tool to build wealth, perhaps the biggest tool most people will have.

But homes are about more than that. Americans have ideas about the virtues of owning a home compared to being a renter. A homeowner might feel differently and act differently regarding their property if they have a mortgage. Numerous neighborhoods and communities are structured around homeownership (such as many suburbs). Having a stable and affordable residence can help contribute to numerous positive outcomes.

Are we at a stage when public discussions about housing then are exclusively or are primarily about the finances of owning a home – which are certainly important – and not any influential factors that might encourage or discourage people from owning homes in the United States?

The geographic restrictions placed on Chicago’s Black residents by the turn of the twentieth century

Historian Elaine Lewinnek in The Working Man’s Reward summarizes where Chicago’s Black residents lived in the late 1800s:

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By 1870 Chicago’s five thousand black residents lived in every ward of the city as well as numerous suburbs. Chicago had instituted some progressive policies during Reconstruction, including a civil rights law and, in 1874, an officially desegregated school system. After the collapse of Reconstruction, many blacks who had held political office in southern states relocated to Chicago in what observers called “the Migration of the Talented Tenth.” By 1893 Chicago’s black population was fifteen thousand, still just a small fraction of the more than million Chicagoans. Some blacks settled north of Chicago, near domestic service jobs in the suburb of Evanston, as well as on the near West Side. Many gathered in the neighborhood around Clark and Harrison Streets, on the south fringe of Chicago’s business district, an area that escaped the Great Fire of 1871 but was completely burned in 1874.

During the 1880s and 1890s, pushed by racism and pulled by their own preferences for living near black-led institutions, new black migrants were increasingly limited to Chicago’s Black Belt on the South Side. Extending just two blocks west and east of State Street, stretching south to Thirty-fifth Street and eventually Fifty-fifth, this narrow strip contained 56 percent of Chicago’s blacks in 1900, 78 percent, and 90 percent by 1930. (152-153)

This mirrors national trends. W. E. B. Du Bois discusses this in The Souls of Black Folk where he looks at what was possible during Reconstruction and then quickly disappears once that period ends. James Loewen argues in Sundown Towns that after the movement of Black residents all over the United States after the Civil War, many communities in the United States by the late 1800s restricted Black people and other people of color from staying or living in their towns.

And Chicago is a particularly noteworthy example of this because of how strong these geographic lines become. By the early 1900s, violence, formal and informal policies, and social interactions reinforce these boundaries in such a way that Chicago is one of the most racially segregated cities in the United States by the end of the century.

But these boundaries were not always there. They do not have to be there in the future. Lewinnek argues they were the result of particular actions and conditions, including the efforts of working-class homeowners.

The percent of income Cook County residents pay to own their home

How much does it cost to be a homeowner in Cook County?

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Homeownership expenses — including typical monthly mortgage payments, homeowners and mortgage insurance and property taxes — accounted for 29.2% of the average income earned by a Cook County resident as of the middle of this year, up from the 23.2% historical average based on data collected between 2005 to 2025, according to ATTOM, a national property data provider.

That is lower than the 33.7% national average and slightly higher than the 28% typically recommended by mortgage lenders, the data shows.

For the average Chicago resident, 42% of their mortgage payment is for expenses such as property taxes and insurance, marking it the fourth-highest share in major markets across the country, according to Andy Walden, head of mortgage and housing market research for Intercontinental Exchange, a data and financial technology firm. This is in large part, he said, because of property taxes.

This particular article suggests these costs are high for those who want to start a family; they may be able to purchase a home but there is not much left over after that point. The figures above help provide context for the 29.2% homeownership cost:

  1. This is higher than the average in the past. Homeowners in Cook County are now paying more per month than previously.
  2. The figure it higher than the 28% lenders might recommend.
  3. But the Cook County percentage is lower than the national percentage.
  4. And out of that overall percentage, Chicagoans tend to pay more for property taxes and insurance.

And a little more context: the homeownership rate in Cook County is about 62.5%.

All interesting information. Owning a home takes resources for purchasing it and maintaining it. The same lending practices that make it possible to get a mortgage for 30 years also mean costs for that long. But could the issue be something different: the costs of having children? How have those costs changed over time?

The Chicago area is often regarded as having a medium cost of living. Big cities in the Northeast and West cost more, places in the South and Midwest cost less. People living in these different contexts adjust. With the relative costs of living, how much does it differ to raise children in each place?

Homeownership is one of the biggest financial investments that a person or household will make. How many Americans now experience or believe that pursuing homeownership, a vital part of the American Dream, impedes their ability to pursue having kids?